Blaafarveværket and alcohol
Drunk and disorderly? Or God-fearing abstainers?
Who is the killer? I know who the killer is. It's the drunken devil. Beware of it.[1]
This is how priest and folklorist Jørgen Moe ended his eulogy for a young boy in Noresund in 1859. The boy died from a stab wound inflicted by an unknown killer during a mass brawl. It was understood that alcohol consumption had contributed to the tumult.
Not far from Noresund was Blaafarveværket, with its many employees and heavy working days. What was it like with the "drunken devil" there? We'll take a closer look at that in this article.
When the story of the factory workers is to be told, the work of Pierre Guillaume Frederic Le Play is often used as a source. The Frenchman, known in some circles as the "father of sociology", carried out fieldwork at Nymoen in the mid-1840s.[2] The stay at Modum was one of several field trips around Europe where the lifestyle of the working class was investigated. Le Play's investigations at Nymoen have given posterity very detailed descriptions of the life of a selected family at Blaafarveværket.
The survey covered food consumption, income, expenses, working conditions and work tasks. At the same time, Le Play investigated aspects of the family's social life, including their alcohol consumption.
Le Play's work states the following:
In a way, however, the family's interaction with colleagues and neighbours is a clear development of a sense of morality. For example, the tendency to abuse alcohol, as used among the Nordic peoples, is punished within the family with the support of temperance organisations. Inspired by such organisations, many of the workers at the factory in Modum have completely abstained from or reduced their use of alcoholic beverages. The family, as described in this monograph, occasionally makes small purchases of beer or brews it themselves. But due to pressure from the management and the influence of temperance organisations and church orders, hard liquor is not used.[3]
Somewhat contrary to this, Le Play had to admit that drinking spirits was widespread in Modum.[4] Le Play's observations have been reproduced in several later publications about Blaafarveværket, but have been supplemented to a lesser extent by other sources.[5]
Eli Moen has delved somewhat deeper into the work's own archive, but has mainly focused on how alcohol consumption affected the ability to work. Moen found only one case where a worker was fined for being intoxicated during working hours, which she claims supports Le Play's description.[6] The extent to which workers drank outside working hours will not be revealed by such surveys, and Moen only covered a short period. Therefore, in this article I will take a closer look at the entire period.
Key questions are to what extent was alcohol abuse a major problem at Blaafarveværket? And how widespread was the drinking of spirits at Blaafarveværket throughout its history?
Neck lock or dismissal - the early story
During the Blaafarveværk's first period of operation, sources indicate that alcohol abuse among the workers occasionally caused problems and that the management had difficulty maintaining discipline. A few years after its establishment, in July 1779, a poster was put up warning "against drunkenness and intoxication" at the Cobalt Mines. About a worker "arrives modestly", he had to pay 24 shillings to the health insurance fund. The fine was double on Saturday and Sunday.[7]
Not all workers heeded these warnings. In the winter of 1780, the managers took a harder line. The miners Peder Jensen Lund and Ole Saxersen were punished for drunkenness, while a third worker, Anders Mogensen, was strongly urged not to "hold a dance, game or drinking house".[8] Lund was severely penalised. To avoid dismissal, he had to "Extend punishment in the neck iron".[9] Neck irons were a form of punishment in which two iron shackles were locked around the neck for a set period of time. The punishment can be reminiscent of the earlier practice of pillorying.
The sources do not indicate what kind of alcohol was consumed, but it is reasonable to believe that it was beer. Spirits were not so common in Norway until the beginning of the 19th century when potatoes became widespread. Especially from 1816 when the Norwegian Parliament authorised "every taxpaying owner or user and possessor of matriculated land [...] to burn spirits".[10]
Although spirits were not necessarily as widespread in the mining community before the beginning of the 19th century, they were not unknown. As early as 1788, spirits were mentioned in the probate settlement for cobalt inventor Ole Witloch. For his funeral, 6 pots (just under 6 litres) of "Frandsk Brændeviin" were ordered.[11] Drinking at funerals was common. So were baptisms, weddings, Christmas and St. Hans. So it was not surprising that spirits were ordered for Witloch's funeral. What seems to mark a change was when spirits became more accessible, leading to more everyday excesses.
Lars Schive, treasurer of Blaafarveværket, must have complained about the burden placed on him in early 1816. Within days of each other, he had to conduct two alcohol-related court cases against employees. Several months before the Norwegian Parliament liberalised the production of spirits, Blaafarveværket was struggling with workers' consumption of spirits and subsequent behaviour. These problems both started after damp visits to the stall of mill supplier Nils Tyrholm.
First it was Peder Poulsen Kullebek and Peder N. Svartz who had to stand trial in Fossum courtroom in front of the treasurer. They had engaged in "disorderly and partly violent behaviour" while intoxicated on Mrs Marie Tejlman's farm.[12] Kullebek in particular had become violent when he was politely asked by his wife's brother to leave the property due to his intoxicated state.[13] Kullebek and Svartz's escapades originated from a visit to Tyrholm's stall where liquor was consumed. For his behaviour, Kullebek was fined 1 riksdaler to the works' poor fund. The seller of the liquor, Tyrholm, was not penalised, as the quantity was considered to be so small, distributed among what would have been 6-8 workers, that there was no reason for any of them to become excessively intoxicated.[14]
Just days later, Mrs Tejlman was made to pay again. This time the drunkenness took place in her boys' room. There, a couple of factory workers had behaved badly during a drunken brawl that, once again, started with a visit to Nils Tyrholm's stall. The workers' excuse was that "they had walked a long way that day: from Cobolt Schjærperne to Strand in cold and bad weather, without enjoying any refreshing food".[15] In other words, it didn't take a lot of spirits for the whole thing to get out of hand.
This may make it seem as if drunkenness and revelry were a daily occurrence in the early days of the Blaafarveværk, but if we look at it the other way round, it doesn't seem as if alcohol was a serious problem. The cases that have been highlighted are individual cases. I haven't gone through the Blaafarveværket's records from cover to cover, but of those I have examined, there are only two cases from 1816 where workers were prosecuted for drunkenness. What's more, we still know little about the drinking habits of the mill's general population during this period other than that they probably brewed beer in most households.
It's perhaps not surprising that things turned out the way they did. For us in today's Norway, daily life at the 18th century Blaafarveværk would probably have been experienced as unpleasant. 12-hour working days where injuries and chronic ailments were commonplace, the dangers were great and the pay, compared to today, was low. The home was dark, small and cold. Illness and premature death were the norm. Mental ailments were poorly understood, etc.
That said, one should be careful about interpreting the past through the lens of the present. Perhaps a factory worker from the 1790s would have seen today's society as inconvenient? An older man looking back on his youth in the 1800s said the following:
"It used to be a lot of fun in the old days, a long and tiring day of honour with little pay, but we didn't have as many demands on our lives then as we do now. And we had fun, more fun than we have now. We could make do with little, and we were more satisfied."[16]
However, there are several examples of how mining communities could be hotbeds of alcohol abuse. Some mine managers probably recognised that some alcohol consumption was inevitable, but that it would perhaps be better if the mine management itself, to a certain extent, administered the drinking. To look at this administration, we need to take a closer look at the "drinking day".
Drinking day - drunken party organised by the plant's managers
Exactly when Blaafarveværket's first drinking day was held is not known. The archives for the first period of the plant, 1776-1821, are less well researched. Moreover, the work it would take to investigate these falls outside the scope of this article. So far, no archival material has been found that mentions the drinking day before 1827, but the aforementioned archival material mentions the organisation of the drinking day in such a way that it seems likely that the day had been held earlier.[17] Whether that was the case remains to be seen.
What we do know is that the plant's management organised the drinking day so that the celebration would give the workers the opportunity to drink alcohol, but that the amount was controlled and order was maintained.[18] The management decided that an adult worker should receive 2.41 dl of spirits and 9.6 dl of beer. The unconfirmed skeide boys received 1.2 dl of spirits and 4.8 dl of beer.[19] The plant also hired 2-4 security guards. These were to be responsible for ensuring that the drinking day was conducted in a responsible manner.[20] In this way, management could appear generous to their employees, while at the same time controlling the excesses to a certain extent.
The factory management's administration becomes clear when unforeseen things happen. In 1838, two drunken workers fell asleep outside and froze to death.[21] As a result, the drinking day was moved to around St. Hans the following year. It should be said, however, that the workers were granted a "gratuity" and were allowed to have a dram before the start of the working day on the day when the drinking day had traditionally been held in December.[22]
In an attempt to stimulate a reduction in alcohol consumption on drinking days, mining magnate Amund Lammers passed an amendment in 1845. The company did not want, wrote Lammers, "to abolish the ordinary drinking day, but to change it".[23] The change consisted of giving workers "tips" instead of alcohol.[24] The hope was probably that most people would want to save some of the money or spend it on something else. It is difficult to say whether this change had any effect.
The consumption of spirits and beer was not restricted to drinking days. Henriette Thaulow reproduced a quote she had heard in Modum "without liquor, every party would be impossible".[25] It was common to drink at both weddings and funerals.[26] So what about alcohol consumption outside of drinking days?
The later time at Blaafarveværket:
In the autumn of 1845, during Le Play's stay at Nymoen, the mill's management was forced to stop paying wages every fourth Saturday. This to "Prevention of unprecedented disruptions".[27] It is not explicitly stated that the disorder was caused by drunkenness, but it is easy to believe.
In the same month as the above article was printed, a trial was held against two women accused of illegally selling spirits at Fossumeie.[28] The year before, in the spring of 1844, a trial was also held against three troublemakers who, in a "modest" state, made noise, fought and pulled a knife on the inhabitants of Nymoen.[29] A few years earlier, in 1840, a miner was killed during a fight on Skuterudflaten. Both the perpetrator and the victim had been drinking spirits.[30]
Like the cases in 1816, individual court cases say little about the general state of sobriety at Blaafarveværket, but it is clear that the murder in 1840 is the most serious case discovered. What does indicate a worsening problem, however, is the mill management's decision to move the payday. Such a change testifies to a growing problem that needed more radical measures to overcome.
If the alcohol problem at the plant worsened in the 1840s, it suggests that Blaafarveværket was different from the surrounding community. The general trend in Norway seems to have been that spirits consumption declined at the beginning of the 1840s.[31] Several factors played a role. The decline in liquor production, higher taxes, more restrictive legislation from 1842 and the flourishing of temperance organisations contributed to the drop in consumption. Modum's temperance organisation was founded in 1842 and was later supplemented by a temperance association. As of 1844, these had 164 members, the vast majority of whom, 135, belonged to the temperance organisation.[32] Considering that Blaafarveværket had more than a thousand employees and two thousand permanent residents on the property in 1840, the number of members was not large. It is also certain that several of the members were not mill employees.
The temperance organisations had no ban on the moderate consumption of wine and beer, while the temperance association banned all forms of alcohol. In this sense, it was probably easier to succeed in winning members by promoting moderation. In the mining communities, we have seen that spirits had their place in the form of drinking days. The dangerous work, with heavy loads and chronic ailments, probably fuelled a desire for debauchery. At the same time, it is claimed that drinking spirits had a social function.[33] An article in the newspaper "Tiden" from 1840 stated that it would probably be easier to establish a temperance organisation in Kongsberg than a temperance association. The miners, or "the simple class", had such strenuous work that it would be difficult to banish alcohol completely.[34] This was probably also the case in Modum.
Le Play may have been shaped by his own convictions when he claimed that the strictly religious people in the family he investigated at Nymoen did not drink alcohol. He was religious himself and called for a religious moral code among the working class.[35] Of course, it's also possible that he chose a family where the man was one of the few in Modum who was a teetotaller, or that the head of the family didn't tell Le Play the whole truth. Again, Le Play was describing a family, which makes it difficult to transfer the findings to the surrounding neighbours.
The Blaafarveværk continued to operate until the end of the century. In a description from 1865, the employees' drinking habits were described as follows:
On the whole, the state of sobriety must be said to be satisfactory, or at least far better than a few years ago. Here, at the monthly wages, and especially at the great holidays of St. Hans and Christmas, fairly considerable quantities of spirits are purchased at the common expense. This is especially the case on the great "drinking day", St. Hans, when even the factory's board of directors distributes liquor to all its workers, and at the subsequent dancing fun, which often stretches over the whole of the following day, there are not infrequently fights of the most serious kind.[36]
Dr Dedichen
This description, written by Dr Dedichen (dictated by Dr Thaulow), shows that spirits continued to have a place at Blaafarveværket until its closure in 1898.
From the plant's inception to its closure, the plant's management had a number of duties that would seem strange today. Not only did the workers have to be looked after at work, but the management also had to provide education, health care and pensions. As most factories were in remote locations, the management also had to provide housing with water points, bakery ovens, etc. During the Danish period, the mills had their own courts and military units. In this way, the management also became an administrator of most of what we today would call public services within the works' property. Alcoholism and its consequences, poor health, violence and unwise spending ultimately fell on the works. Even if the worker always turned up to work sober. This is how we see why the plant's management tried to restrict and control their workers, even in the private sector.
One more factor was the paternalistic system which Eli Moen has written extensively about.[37] The paternalistic system was a moral relationship between factory owner and worker. The owner acted as an all-powerful father who had to raise his sons, i.e. the labourer. In this sense, the power relationship was skewed, but the worker also had room for manoeuvre for opposition if the factory owner did not show paternal care.[38] This is how the moral view of alcohol at the time comes into play. Drunkenness was a moral weakness. If it was not realistic to eradicate alcohol completely, then it should be limited. The worker should be taught moderation. The way the owner administered the drinking day can be seen as an educator trying to limit and control his sons' alcohol consumption.
That's how it was on the factory floor. What was it like on the shop floor?
Red wine, Madeira and rum - the drinking culture of the upper classes
When it came to the managers themselves, different rules applied. Both the actual rules and the social norms differed from worker to manager. Ingerid Hagen has described how Benjamin Wegner, the director of Blaafarveværket, had a high consumption of wine, rum and spirits.[39] It must be taken into account that Wegner belonged to Modum's upper class, and that it was understood that this meant hosting a number of social gatherings. The factory's authorities, the clergy, merchants, etc. frequented the building. So it is by no means certain that Wegner himself consumed everything he ordered.
Following an appraisal inspection at Blaafarveværket in 1839, Geschvorne Klem was reimbursed for his expenses in connection with hosting the magistrate and four appraisers. They were given salmon, meat and coffee, which still seems reasonable today. But the fact that it was also considered a matter of course that each man should have 9.6 dl. of spirits during his stay is perhaps less intuitive.[40] Well, according to Per Fuglum, the serving of spirits at public sessions was relatively common.[41] Liquor also seems to have been used in more walks of life than the working class, although the conditioned often used more sophisticated products such as brandy and liqueur.[42]
The mill's management socialised in a different way to the workers. The director, the cabin inspector, the mine master and other managers were probably expected to drink alcohol when they visited or invited business associates, local clergy and local dignitaries. In 1851, mill owner John Henry Goodhall invited guests to a party at Fossum Farm. A British woman who was visiting remarked that the smallest thing was toasted throughout the party. She also mentions that
Punch, by no means badly brewed, was constantly circulated, and produced decidedly enlivening effects.[43]
Punch was a fashionable, alcoholic drink that was often used at festivities. It usually consisted of wine, spices, sugar, peel and the flesh of the bitter orange.[44]
Although spirits were accepted in the upper echelons of Norwegian society, this was not necessarily the case in other European countries. When a British customer of Blaafarveværket visited Norway in 1838, he wrote the following about his observations in a hotel restaurant in Christiania where businessmen, clerks and the like met for dinner:
Table manners are at a low level: you only get one knife and fork for the entire dinner, and this cutlery is used in a very clumsy way. The food is cut up on the side table and then passed around from one guest to another. Everyone chooses what they want, and many do so in a very delicate way. The only vegetables served are small, poor quality potatoes: the large, floury variety is not particularly favoured in Norway. There's little conversation during dinner, everything is a mess and after 20-30 minutes it's all over and the dining room is cleared. You get beer on the table without asking for it. Little wine is drunk; many people just have a small glass of spirits. I can't compare this scene to anything other than a herd of cattle arriving at the manger, eating their fill and leaving.[45]
When the same man visited Blaafarveværket, he drank wine after dinner.[46]
Conclusion
The perhaps somewhat boring conclusion to this article is that it is difficult to give a definitive answer. Alcohol problems among the workers, particularly in the form of misuse of spirits, are documented in court records and the mill's own archives. But such individual cases don't tell us much about the general state of affairs. However, there are indications that Blaafarveværket may have gone somewhat against the national trends of the 1840s and Le Play's descriptions. Here, however, we must take into account that Blaafarveværket was Norway's largest workplace during this period. The large gathering of people would inevitably lead to more drinking.
We also see that previous research has largely focused on how alcohol consumption affected the ability to work, but to a lesser extent examined Blaafarveværket as a place of residence and community. Drinking among the workers, and its unfortunate consequences, mostly took place when the workers were not at work. The negative incidents thus had less of an impact on actual operations and more of a social impact. As late as 1865, the works doctor Thaulow referred to the Blaa colliery as "a not insignificant village in the district".[47] Although the management of the plant had long since been privatised, the management had a number of responsibilities that went beyond the purely operational. The plant constituted its own poor district, school district, medical district and neighbourhood. When we also take into account the paternalistic traditions surrounding factory operations, with the manager as an all-powerful father and the workers as sons, it is easier to understand how the manager saw it as his task to guide the workers to sobriety or a kind of moderation.
The same rules did not apply to the plant's management. Drinking at social gatherings was expected and often took a more relaxed form. Wine and punch were often, but not always, favoured over spirits and beer. Drinking also seems to have taken a slightly less agitated form. The punch at Fossum Farm was stretched out over 12 hours with almost continuous food service. It's a bit different from when tired workers drank spirits on an empty stomach after walking over a mile first.
[1] Hodne, Ørnulf. Jørgen Moe : folk memory collector - poet - priest(Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. 1982) p. 120
Link: https://www.nb.no/items/a4121fb289ff4ccf21205c6891c9c68c?page=129&searchText=drikkedagen (read 11.12.2024)
[2] We know that Le Play arrived in Christiania from Paris on 18 July 1845 together with "de St. Leger, P. Benout and Rudgren" See: Christiania Adresse-Tidene, 19 July 1845
Link: https://www.nb.no/items/0ffdbc06b33410974acc2ea5c86ea69b?page=3&searchText=%22Play%22 (Read 08.01.2025)
[3] A. De Saint-Léger and F. Le Play, Chapter II Conditions for industrial processing of cobalt. Buskerud (in southern Norway) (Notes made after spontaneous meetings) Collected documents made on site in 1845, § Section 3, translated by Rainer Hielle (Blaafarveværkets documentation centre and archive)
[4] Ibid. § 11
[5] Hunstadbråten, Kai. Blaafarveværket(Drammen: Brakar. 1997) p. 91
[6] Moen, Eli. "Rift for Bread?" Workers at Modum Blåfarveverk 1822-1848. (Master's thesis in history. University of Oslo. 1984) p. 79
[7] RA/PA-0157/F/Fa/L0001: Authorised Protocol for Ventilations and Decisions to be Introduced by Cobalt Plant Operators' Recommended Gatherings and Meetings Considered Necessary for the Design and Operation of the Plant, p. 87
[8] Ibid. p. 199
[9] Ibid. p. 200
[10] "Laws, Ordinances, Announcements, Open Letters, Resolutions, etc. concerning the Legislation and Public Administration of the Kingdom of Norway, in chronological order and collected and published: Første Bind, indeholdende Aarene 1814, 1815 og 1816, med hosføiet Register". p. 480
Link: https://www.nb.no/items/5fd2551b232b736ecde51f25bec8597f?page=487&searchText=br%C3%A6ndevin (Read 09.01.2025)
[11] Eiker, Modum and Sigdal magistrates' court, AV/SAKO-A-123/H/Hb/Hba/L0017: Probate record, 1780-1824, p. 43b-44a
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/sk20081029620046 (Read 09.01.2025)
[12] Eiker, Modum and Sigdal magistrates' court, AV/SAKO-A-123/F/Fa/Fae/L0002: Tingbok, 1813-1822, p. 13
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/rg20090224350015 (Read 09.01.2025)
[13] Ibid.
[14] Eiker, Modum and Sigdal magistrates' court, AV/SAKO-A-123/F/Fa/Fae/L0002: Tingbok, 1813-1822, p. 14
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/rg20090224350016
[15] Eiker, Modum and Sigdal magistrates' court, AV/SAKO-A-123/F/Fa/Fae/L0002: Tingbok, 1813-1822, p. 15
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/rg20090224350017
[16] Samuelsen, Jakob Andr. and Hunstadbråten, Kai. Old moings and other foals. Tradition from Modum. (Espa: Lokalhistorisk forlag. 1991) p. 19
Link: https://www.nb.no/items/1b4c2d5f210cdb267fcc9cf2ff5d0505?page=5&searchText=moinger
[17] Modums Blaafarveværk, AV/RA-PA-0157/G/Gb/L0082/0001: - / Copy book, kept at the mine office, 1826-1830, p. 30
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/db20120822660707 (Read: 08.01.2025)
[18] Modums Blaafarveværk, RA/PA-0157/G/Gb/L0089/0001: - / Copy book, kept by Bøbert, 1837-1840, p. 158
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/db20120822681280
[19] Ibid.
[20] Ibid.
[21] Modums Blaafarveværk, RA/PA-0157/G/Gb/L0089/0001: - / Copy book, kept by Bøbert, 1837-1840, p. 105
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/db20120822681227
[22] Modums Blaafarveværk, RA/PA-0157/G/Gb/L0089/0001: - / Copy book, kept by Bøbert, 1837-1840, p. 105
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/db20120822681227
[23] Modums Blaafarveværk, AV/RA-PA-0157/G/Gb/L0130/0001: - / Incoming letters A - W, 1845-1846, p. 10
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/db20120828610010
[24] Ibid.
[25] Thaulow, Henriette. Mum explains. (transcribed edition from Blaafarveværkets arkiv og bibliotek) p. 5
[26] Samuelsen and Hunstadbråten, op.cit. p. 80-86
[27] Drammens Tidende, 3 September 1845.
Link: https://www.nb.no/items/c062e0732b513be2f71edb90e4d8bdb6?page=3&searchText=%22blaafarve%22 (read 05.12.2024)
[28] Eiker, Modum and Sigdal magistrates' court, AV/SAKO-A-123/F/Fc/L0009: Ekstrarettsprotokoll - Modum, 1841-1847, p. 245
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/rg10311211270249 (Read: 08.01.2025)
[29] Eiker, Modum and Sigdal magistrates' court, AV/SAKO-A-123/F/Fc/L0009: Ekstrarettsprotokoll - Modum, 1841-1847, p. 174
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/rg10311211270178 (Read 08.01.2025)
[30] Bjørnland, Lasse Hermansen. "The murder of Jens Andersen". www.blaa.no. 22.02.2021
Link: https://blaa.no/historier/drapet-pa-jens-andersen/ (Read 10.01.2025)
[31] Fuglum, Per. The battle for alcohol in Norway 1816-1904. (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. 1972) pp. 1-19
Link: https://www.nb.no/items/515bc3e9aa78a0e2ced68e53b86dc577?page=5&searchText=%22Kampen%20om%20alkoholen%20i%20Norge%201816-1904%22 (Read 08.01.2025)
[32] "Excerpts from a report on Modum's Maadeholdsforening, 9th April 1844". The times of the Maadeholds Vol. 2, no. 17 (1 June 1844) p. 154
Link: https://www.nb.no/items/0affdc21877e106843dc186e6fbd9122?page=1&searchText=%22Modums%20Maadeholdsforening%22 (Read 08.01.2025)
[33] Fuglum, op.cit. p. 17-18
[34] Time, 03 September 1840
Link: https://www.nb.no/items/f26770df6b3bee636e9f928ef6dc9e6d?page=0&searchText=%22Nykterhedsforening%22%20Modum (read 06.12.2024)
[35] Store norske leksikon (2005-2007): Frédéric Le Play in Store norske leksikon at snl.no. Retrieved 8 January 2025 from https://snl.no/Fr%C3%A9d%C3%A9ric_Le_Play (Read 08.01.2025)
[36] RA/S-1044/F/L0065: Thaulow, Heinrich Arnold. "Medicinal report for the year 1865"
[37] Moen, op.cit. p. 88
[38] Ibid. p. 88-89
[39] Hagen, Ingerid. The blue colour from Modum's heyday. The blue colour factory 1822-1848. (Modum: Stiftelsen Modums Blaafarveværk - Bygdemuseet Modum. 2022) pp. 63-64
[40] Modums Blaafarveværk, AV/RA-PA-0157/G/Gb/L0089/0001: - / Copy book, kept by Bøbert, 1837-1840, p. 175
Use link for page view: https://www.digitalarkivet.no/db20120822681297
[41] Fuglum, op.cit. p. 19
[42] Ibid. p. 203
[43] Unknown. "Notes from Norway." Household Words- a weekly journal Vol. V. (1852): pp. 230-235
Link: https://www.google.no/books/edition/Household_Words/qHBBAAAAYAAJ?hl=no&gbpv=1&dq=household+words+%22Norway%22&printsec=frontcover (Read: 10.01.2025)
[44] Arntzen, Jon Gunnar: punch in Store norske leksikon at snl.no. Retrieved 10 January 2025 from https://snl.no/punsj
[45] Smith, Ritchard Carter. Travelling in Norway 1838. (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. 1976) pp. 60-63
Link: https://www.nb.no/items/a2814818297c0e961cdc2042dc853f02?page=3 (Read 10.01.2025)
[46] Ibid. p. 42
[47] RA/S-1044/F/L0065: Thaulow, Heinrich Arnold. "Medicinal report for the year 1865"